German Parties After The Elections: Greens

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You can read this article in German: LINK.

The Greens in Germany appear almost exclusively under this name today and they are usually also called by that name. You can even read a lot about Green on the homepage of their website, whereas the actual name of the party can only be discovered after long scrolling, ashamedly hidden as a graphic in the footer.

The party’s real name, however, is Alliance 90/The Greens, a name that was chosen when the predominantly West German Greens united with the East German grassroots democratic movement of the former GDR.

Like the party’s name, many of its original roots are now almost forgotten. When the Greens were founded, they were strictly anti-militarist, against NATO and even more so against deployments of the German armed forces, the Bundeswehr, in foreign countries, where they, as an alleged defence army, had no business. Today, on the other hand, the Greens are making approval of NATO and of military operations by the Bundeswehr abroad a non-negotiable precondition for coalition negotiations.

The citizens’ movement, on the other hand, was once in favour of strict grassroots democracy and the West Greens also wanted to give party offices and parliamentary mandates never to the same persons in a row in order to prevent a political elite and to give everyone the opportunity to participate. That, too, has long been forgotten today. The separation of party office and parliamentary mandate practically no longer exists, just as there is no limitation of the term of office, even though there are still rudiments of corresponding regulations with no real impact.

Decisions within the party are made by the leadership, as elsewhere, and nodded through by the members, albeit with a lot of pseudo-democratic din. When the two chairmen recently announced that they had already agreed among themselves who would enter the government as Vice Chancellor, and probably also who the Green ministers would be, without asking the party committees or the party as a whole, that was met with astonishment by political commentators of the MSM, but remained without objection from the party itself.

Once upon a time, the Greens and the citizens’ movement moved out to demand an alternative lifestyle without social constraints. Today they never get tired to demand social constraints themselves in order to destroy lifestyles that do not fit into their own concept. A movement for civil liberties has turned into a partially left-fascist movement that is ready to intervene deeply in people’s private lives in a totalitarian manner.

The idea of ​​environmental protection turned into an eco-fascism that even wants to tell people what they are allowed to eat on which days. The so-called Veggie Day caused a lot of outrage in the media during the 2013 election campaign and turned into a further decline in votes for the Greens. In fact, however, this demand by the Greens, which is no longer officially raised, is now becoming a reality in more and more canteens, cafeterias and children’s facilities, albeit under a different name and with different justifications. Meat eaters are stigmatized, as is agricultural animal husbandry and the meat industry.

Even the anti-racism of the early days has now turned into its opposite among the Greens. With the support of the left-wing racist movement Black Lives Matter, the demand for special rights for people of certain skin colour and the declaration of taboo on certain words relating to the origin of a person, the Greens can no longer be considered progressive today.

It is the same with Green feminism, which originally advocated, at least to some degree, equal rights for women or social equality regardless of gender. Today, however, it is a left-wing sexist movement that does not want to make men and women equal and to unite them as humans, but rather sets them against each other. The feminist part of the Greens is characterized by hatred of men and a general condemnation of everything male. Normal sexual behaviours such as flirting and wooing each other are stigmatized and criminalized.

Even language is being abused to divide people along the gender line. Although the Greens are by far a minority, they managed to force large sections of official institutions and big companies to adopt the Greens’ language rules out of fear to be accused of sexism. There are now no more Studenten (English: students), a term that is gender-neutral as a generic masculine, but Student*innen (student*esses, e.g. an artificial, not pronounceable construct for male and female students) or Studierende (studying ones), contrary to the official language standard.

Anyone who does not bow to the Greens’ views on racism, feminism or the climate is not seen as a political opponent with whom one can discuss democratically, but branded an enemy of humanity who must be fought with all means, including those of state authority.

As an apparent branch party, the Greens moved around 8% in elections and polls for a long time. However, that changed in 2018 when the weakness of the competitors, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the alliance of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU), became apparent due to internal power struggles.

The long-term propaganda fight about the so-called climate change and other campaign slogans of the Greens, in which the leading parties surrendered time and again for fear of public criticism and submitted to the thematic dictation of the Greens, now had an effect. Large parts of the electorate had apparently forgotten that the Greens are consistently torpedoing major economic projects for the further development of the country and are ready to intervene in people’s lives in a dictatorial manner. Calls for a Veggie Day and doubling or tripling energy and fuel prices were forgotten.

At times, the Greens even made it to the top of the polls and saw themselves as the new Chancellor’s party. That is why they dared to take the step of submitting their own candidate for Chancellor for the 2021 federal elections. They opted for a pretty face with no government experience whatsoever, a woman who had never had a decent job in her life.

However, the candidate, Annalena Baerbock, soon stumbled upon the self-made pitfalls. In the past two decades the Greens had relishly promoted and exploited scandals around politicians of the CDU, CSU and SPD about plagiarism in academic papers and book publications. As a relatively small opposition party, it was not in the focus itself and was, therefore, relatively safe.

But when Annalena Baerbock wanted to play with the older children, the plagiarism hunters took a closer look at her too. Lo and behold, they found what they were looking for. The first thing they noticed was false or at least misleading information in her official résumé. Now, as is well known, rattling is part of the craft, but nevertheless she tried to portray herself as bigger than she is.

Apparently, Annalena Baerbock had learned nothing from the subsequent political headwind, because on June 17, 2021, three months before the elections, she published a book entitled “Now. How we renew our country”, which turned out to be what opponents of the Greens were waiting for. Up until the elections in September, plagiarism hunters had found, without claim to completeness, texts copied from other sources in no fewer than 100 places, which were not marked as quotations but issued as her own.

The sheer scope of the intellectual theft is incredible in itself, but it is also just plain stupid for a top contender who must expect to be watched closely. The reactions of Annalena Baerbock, who tried to dismiss the whole matter as an unimportant formal error, testify to boundless arrogance.

For her party, however, it meant saying goodbye to the dream of Chancellorship. The Greens lost two fifths of their possible voters and ended up in third place behind the SPD and CDU/CSU in the 2021 elections.

However, that was not the end of the Green song, on the contrary. Both the SPD and the CDU/CSU would be weak enough as senior partners to continue to bow to Green demands. As that worked out from within the opposition with the subliminal threat of branding opponents as racist, sexist or climate-hostile, things would work much better with the Greens in government.

The Free Democratic Party (FDP), as the third partner in any coalition, should not be a problem if its financial policy demands are met. Thus, it seems that the Federal Republic of Germany is now facing a government whose policy is being ideologized even more and which not only accepts cancel culture and dividing society, but actively pursues them itself.

MORE ON THE TOPIC:

• German Parties After Elections: CDU
• German Parties After The Elections: SPD