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Written by Uriel Araujo, Anthropology PhD, is a social scientist specializing in ethnic and religious conflicts, with extensive research on geopolitical dynamics and cultural interactions
The United States is no stranger to wielding its economic might to shape global affairs, but a new force has emerged as a central architect of its foreign policy: Big Tech. The Trump administration’s AI Action Plan, coupled with aggressive tariff threats and strategic investments in companies like Intel, signals a seismic shift in how Washington navigates the global stage.
Big Tech is not merely influencing US policy — it is driving it, with ambitions that stretch from securing mineral supply chains to reshaping trade wars and geopolitical alignments. As a matter of fact, the convergence of artificial intelligence (AI), corporate lobbying, and state power is crafting a new world order, one where Silicon Valley’s giants hold unprecedented sway. The question then is: what are their goals, and at what cost are they pursued?
The AI Action Plan, unveiled last month, is a bold blueprint to cement US dominance in the global AI race. With over 90 recommendations, it prioritizes deregulation, infrastructure, and international diplomacy to outpace China. AI, of course, demands colossal resources — computing power, energy, and, crucially, minerals like lithium, cobalt, and rare earths.
Thus, Washington’s mineral quest has become a linchpin of its AI strategy, with Trump openly pressuring Greenland and Canada over this, as I’ve commented before. Trump’s blunt threats against these nations, ostensibly over trade, are also, underreportedly enough, moves to secure critical minerals.
The US government’s $8.9 billion investment in Intel, securing a 10% stake in the semiconductor giant is also worth mentioning. This move is not merely financial; it’s a strategic bet on Big Tech’s needs. Semiconductors are of course the backbone of AI. By investing in Intel, Washington is ensuring domestic control over a critical node in the AI supply chain, thereby reducing reliance on Taiwan’s TSMC or South Korea’s Samsung. The optics of a government pumping billions into a private company while Big Tech lobbyists shape policy are troubling, to say the least.
Tellingly, several Silicon Valley moguls have even been directly commissioned as US Army Reserve lieutenant colonels through the so-called Executive Innovation Corps — a program designed to integrate tech elites into military planning. Figures such as Meta’s Andrew Bosworth, Palantir’s Shyam Sankar, and OpenAI’s Kevin Weil now wear uniforms while advising on AI and digital warfare. This quite extraordinary overlap between corporate boardrooms and the chain of command underscores how blurred the frontier has become between American national defense and private technological empires.
Speaking of lobbying, a powerful group representing Amazon, Google, Meta, Apple, Microsoft, and Uber — namely, the Computer & Communications Industry Association (CCIA) — has been linked to Trump’s escalating trade war with Brazil, for one thing. The CCIA reportedly pushed for punitive measures against Brazil over policies seen as “discriminatory” toward US tech firms.
Trump’s threats of tariffs are therefore not simply about trade; they are also about protecting Silicon Valley’s dominance. The administration’s tariff threats against the UK and EU members over digital services taxes point to the same dynamic:
“I will stand up to countries that attack our incredible American tech companies. Unless these discriminatory actions are removed, I, as president of the United States, will impose substantial additional tariffs”, said Trump.
Big Tech’s goals are clear enough: global market dominance, unfettered access to resources, and minimal regulation. The AI Action Plan aligns seamlessly with such aims. By promoting open-weight AI models, it lowers barriers for startups, but giants like Google and Microsoft still dominate such a “democratized” ecosystem. Meanwhile, the push for massive data centers and chip factories requires vast energy and minerals, which explains Washington’s aggressive posture in mineral-rich regions, as I’ve argued before.
Yet this tech-driven foreign policy is fraught with risks. Trump’s tariff strategy, while framed as protecting American interests, threatens to disrupt the very AI ecosystem it seeks to bolster. Tariffs on semiconductors and data infrastructure could raise costs by hundreds of millions, pushing firms to expand abroad. So much for an “America First” strategy — it risks backfiring, accelerating China’s advance. Meanwhile, alienating partners like Brazil, Canada, and the EU only complicates the alliances needed to supposedly contain China’s AI power.
In any case, the influence of Big Tech extends beyond tariffs. Elon Musk’s ties to Trump, though recently strained, are an interesting case. The industry’s entanglement with US defense and intelligence is well known, as I’ve noted elsewhere. Musk’s companies, from SpaceX to xAI, benefit from Pentagon contracts and intelligence work, blurring the line between private enterprise and the so-called “Deep State”.
Be as it may, Trump’s feuds with certain elites (parts of the “Deep State”) do not change the fact that Big Tech oligarchs remain among his key backers. From an American perspective, the question then becomes: are policies like the AI Action Plan or Intel stake designed to serve national security, or are they corporate welfare dressed as patriotism?
The Big Tech driven aggressive foreign policy that characterizes the incumbent American presidency also risks destabilizing supply chains. The crypto angle adds yet more complexity. Trump’s tariff crusade and pro-crypto stance have raised speculation about Bitcoin’s role in this complex geopolitical gamble. By aligning with crypto-friendly moguls, Trump may be hedging against traditional finance, but tariffs could undercut the energy-intensive data centers that power both AI and blockchain. The contradiction is there: policies meant to boost one tech sector may undermine another.
In conclusion, Big Tech’s grip on US foreign policy is undeniable, shaping everything from mineral quests to tariff wars and AI strategies. The AI Action Plan and Washington’s tariff threats are not just about technology — they are about cementing a world where American tech giants reign supreme. Yet this path is fraught with risks: alienating allies, driving innovation overseas, and undermining global stability.
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why does dump need a uighur base in syria?
syria will be the same wind up mouse as poor ukraine was.
only the chinese will never be as fat and stupid as the russians. the soviet union collapsed, but the china one ran over all ten protesting students with a tank on the first day and remained intact. one slightly better virus and batwoman will repeat libya aids by gallo and fauci. with any luck, an aerosol of a cross between hiv and ebola will be flying over damascus. we all know that fauci and gallo wanted to kill all gays and libyans.
a zombie virus crossed with rabies, nipah and ebola dressed in the easily spreadable garb of measles and flu would be appropriate.
a flying hiv would be suitable for hts syria. have the lebanese already released gaddafi’s son? i’m thinking of the other gaddafi, not the gaddafi born to a girl from mostar.
“mia” is talking to himself again
does sf have so few readers now? there were times when she had ten times as many. do you remember those happy times? there were utkin, nasrallah and soleimani… now there are just a bunch of castrated piglets that will never grow into boars.
i’m curious what putler would say if will china bombed syria with nuclear bombs more than the us did to japan in 1945?